"Unladylike Divas": Language, Gender, and Female Gangster Rappers by Jason Haugen looks at the alternative femininities presented by the female gangster rappers. Haugen claims that female gangster rappers present themselves in a way that is counterhegemonic to the norm of American society and to the way male gangster rappers portray them. Haugen specifically looks at female rappers: Mia X, Lil' Kim and Lady of Rage.
Through lyrics from each of these artists, Haugen shows how female gangster rappers deem themselves unladylike. There are two ways they do this: they state that they are unladylike and then they state that they are ladylike; however they expand the hegemony's definition of being ladylike to fit their own.
These artists also re-appropriate male gangster rapper's words. For instance, they also use words like bitch and hoe. However, they use them to define authority, in conjunction with using them for belittlement. Mia X refers to herself as a bitch as well as her addressee in her song "I'll Take Ya Man'97". Calling herself the "bigger bitch", gives her authority over her addressee.
Rapping is a competition. Female gangster rappers understand this and they make their awareness known in their lyrics. The way they speak when rapping; their volume, pitch, speed, is what is being challenged. Then there are also the words that are weapons in rap music. Violence in rap music is very common among the male rappers. Females that are ladylike do not associate themselves with violence; female gangster rappers do. They very much apply dangerous words to their songs.
Male rappers often refer to women as bitches and claim that they use them for their money. Female gangster rappers use this technique in their songs a little differently. They assert their authority over their male subjects in their songs. They often refer to them as their bitches. They also use them sexually in their songs. They make their men "pleasure them before they please them in return". They are very much in control of the men in their songs.
These female rappers are able to freely speak their minds in their art. They are skillful and smart in their work. Even though they do not stay confined in role that women should be in according to American society, the argument can be made that they have created their own norm in the gangster rap society. They are not breaking any "rules" in this society, but rather they are following them. (Haugen, 2003, 429-440).
Rana Emerson's article, "Where My Girls At?": Negotiating Black Womanhood in Music Videos, studies the representation of African American women in music videos produced in the latter 1990s. 56 music videos that featured female African American performers made up Emerson's sample. He taped the music videos at scheduled times of the day when he thought viewing would take place. His analysis was made up of two stages: he coded the sample of videos and then he analyzed a subsample of the videos.
Stereotypes that emerge in Black women's music videos are: their body types; there is a one-dimensional Black womanhood presented; and the male presence constraints them.
Also African American women's curves are more accepted and abundant; the majority of the artists in the music videos are considered thin. Their bodies play a large role in their videos and are played up for male satisfaction.
Their one-dimensional role is being eye candy to males. The majority of the artists were under 30 years old and only two were videos showed motherhood. Black women artists do not have the liberty to represent their full range of being. Black lesbian female artists are also very uncommon.
Many Black women artists are controlled by male sponsorship and this becomes prevalent in many videos.
Emerson also found a claim to Black women's agency in other videos:
The women in these videos emphasize their blackness. They are show that the blacker someone is, the more power they have; and there are very few white characters in these videos.
They also speak out on their feeling and opinions. They sing about their independence and the struggles of relationships.
They come together with other female black artists and work together to show their power. They do not need male authorities, but rather they overcome them.
Emerson lastly shows the restrictions given to Black women artists on how they should present themselves, and Emerson shows how they ignore these stereotypes:
For instance, Black male and women are seen as equals and "co-workers" in many videos. This goes against the idea that women rely on male sponsors for success.
Along with using their bodies as a sex symbol, Black women artists are expressing individualism, strength and toughness. They are also not just sexy bodies that please the male audience, but they also display their bodies in order to receive their own sexual desires. Instead of being seen as one-dimensional sex objects, they are being seen in multidimensional natures of the Black womanhood.
Black male bodies became the center of attention in videos. The female African American artists switched the tables and objectified male bodies as sex objects rather than their own. The idea that love and sexuality signifies women's struggle for liberation came from this contradiction.
The audience of these videos is indeterminate. The artists address both males and females in their videos. The visual and auditory strategies contribute to the unknown gaze.
Emerson concludes that even with the stereotypical themes presented towards the Black women artists, they were able to present a multidimensional portrayal of Black womanhood. (Emerson, 2002, 115-133).
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